Populism+(Mississippi)


 * Populism**

Populism is a political philosophy defined by an opposition to the wealthy, intellectual, elite class in favor of the poor, downtrodden, and usually rural class. Populists are generally skeptical of capitalism, urbanization, and intellectualism, and instead champion agrarian economics and the plight of the “common man.” Although the progressive policies of many populist figures resemble elements of Socialism, in the Unites States this has been a complex and sometimes contentious relationship.1,2


 * Historical Background in the United States**

In the United States, populist sentiment began to influence politics on the national stage in the wake of the Civil War, and has remained prominent—in one form or another and in varying degrees—ever since. Following an economic depression in the 1890s, farmer’s alliances began to spring up across the country. These loosely affiliated organizations gathered to express skepticism and resentment of establishment politics and the financial machinations of Wall Street. In the words of the Kansas populist and orator Mary Ellen Lease: “Wall Street owns this country. It is no longer a government of the people by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street, and for Wall Street.”2 Reactions against speculation, foreclosures, rising inequality, and debt unified farmers in many states and led to the formation of many independent political parties.

Though many of the newly-formed independent populist parties (especially in the north and west) pleaded for racial unity, the Democratic party deftly won the support of many farmers who would otherwise have joined the populist cause. The burdens of electoral politics further encouraged this merging of interests, culminating with the nomination of William Jennings Bryan as the Democratic presidential candidate in the election of 1896. Though many populist supporters lamented this fusion of their very specific demands with the mainstream politics of a major party, the conclusion can be seen as inevitable. Historian Howard Zinn states: “And where a threatening mass movement developed, the two-party system stood ready to send out one of its columns to surround that movement and drain it of vitality.” Populism remained influential, however, and the underlying rhetoric has persisted in some degree ever since.2


 * Populism in Mississippi**

Although these populist parties and figures fought for many progressive economic and social policies, the movement’s character in the Deep South was equally defined by virulent racism. The appeal of populist rhetoric was greatest among poor whites, who were traditionally more vulgar and outspoken about their racism than their wealthier, more “gentlemanly” counterparts. The popularity of certain figures in this movement among poor, rural whites prompted accusations of demagoguery from opponents. The radical and confounding stances of the period were best embodied by two notable figures in Mississippi politics: James K. Vardaman and Theodore Bilbo.3


 * James Kimble Vardaman** (July 26, 1861 – June 25, 1930) served as Governor of Mississippi from 1904-1908 and as a US Senator from 1913-1919. Known as “The Great White Chief,” Vardaman is largely remembered for his savage white supremecist agenda, though his progressive politics were extremely influential in reforming many state institutions.4

An impassioned orator, Vardaman had little formal education and failed as a lawyer—his lack of financial success perhaps aiding his popularity among disenfranchised whites. Vardaman advocated the repeal of the 15th Ammendment, drastic revision of the 14th Ammendement, a ban on education for people of color, and lynching of blacks accused of raping white women. He famously stated: “If it is necessary every Negro in the state will be lynched; it will be done to maintain white supremacy." He also referred to Franklin Roosevelt as a "little, mean, coon-flavored miscegenationist."4

In spite of these egregious sentiments, Vardaman’s career was marked by several equally adamant progressive stances. He wholeheartedly supported women’s suffrage, enacted child labor legislation as Governor, denounced the anti-semitic attitudes of Henry Ford, and successfully completed drastic humanitarian reforms in Mississippi’s prison system.5 A stuanch isolationist, he boldly voted against Woodrow Wilson’s declaration of war against Germany.4


 * Theodore Bilbo** (October 13, 1877 – August 21, 1947) was a Mississippi politician who served as a State Senator, Governor, and US Senator. A Democrat in the mold of Vardaman, Bilbo surpassed his predecessor in both his racism and the extent of his liberal reforms. He was a proud, lifelong member of the Ku Klux Klan and became embroiled in several political scandals involving bribery throughout his career. Nevertheless, historian Stephen Cresswell argues that Bilbo’s was the “most successful administration” in the period between 1877-1917.6

Bilbo’s progressive agenda included the introduction of new inheritence and estate taxes; restrictions on lobbying, the sale of bogus stock, and corporate misconduct; the regulation of public utilities; and initiatives to eliminate adult illiteracy. He also enacted laws requiring school attendance and expanded public transportation to enable rural children to comply with this mandate. In addition, Bilbo expanded the state hospital system, successfully abolished public hangings, and managed to eradicate tuberculosis and South American ticks from the state’s cattle population.3

As a Senator, Bilbo supported Roosevelt’s New Deal, but clashed with the president due to his fierce support of segregation. Ironically, Bilbo’s tenure in the Senate involved close contact with Marcus Garvey and other Black Nationalist groups. Bilbo supported the idea of repatriation for African Americans through the Greater Liberia Bill of 1939. Although his support for this bill initially won him some acclaim in the African American community, he denounced Richard Wright and spoke against an anti-lynching bill, which turned many of these supporters against him.7


 * References to Populism in Faulkner**


 * //The Sound and the Fury//**

“Cotton is a speculator’s crop. They fill the farmer full of hot air and get him to raise a big crop for them to whipsaw on the market, to trim the suckers with. Do you think the farmer gets anything out of it except a red neck and a hump in his back? You think the man that sweats to put it into the ground gets a red cent more than a bare living?” (Jason, page 191)

In these lines, Jason’s speaks resentfully of Wall Street and the nascent financial system that will come to dominate the American economy. In this system, it is businessmen in urban centers who thrive at the expense of rural farmers. Jason’s reference to a “red neck” is significant, as this term became popular during the early part of the 20th century as a description for this segment of the population. Although it has prejorative connotations today, populist politicians spoke proudly of their “redneck” supporters.


 * //As I Lay Dying//**

“Nowhere in this sinful world can a honest, hardworking man profit. It takes them that runs the stores in the towns, doing no sweating, living off of them that sweats. It aint the hardworking man, the farmer. Sometimes I wonder why we keep at it. It’s because there’s a reward for us above, where they cant take their autos and such. Every man will be equal there and it will be taken from them that have and give to them that have not by the Lord.” (Anse, page 110)

Here, Anse complains not of Wall Street financiers, but of local businessmen in towns. Still, his message remains the same as Jason’s—the hardworking farmer is exploited for the benefit of business ownes and “town people.” Although we know that Anse is anything but hardworking, his lament echoes populist rhetoric during this period. It is also significant that Anse’s youngest son is named Vardaman, as “the Great White Chieftain” would likely have been a political hero for a poor, rural family like the Bundrens.


 * “The Tall Men”**

“It was when the Government first begun to interere with how a man farmed his own land, raised his cotton. Stabilizing the price, using up the surplus, they called it, giving a man advice and help, whether he wanted it or not… That first year, when county agents was trying to explain the new system to farmers, the agent come out here and tried to explain it to Buddy and Lee and Stuart, explaining how they would cut down the crop, but that the Government would pay farmers the difference, and so they would actually be better off than trying to farm by themselves.”

Much of “The Tall Men” is devoted to a local deputy police marshall explaining the attitudes of farmers in the county to a federal investigator (significantly referred to as a “stranger” in the opening paragraph). The tension between the honest, straightforward attitude of the farmers and the convoluted policies of the government officials is the central theme of the story. As the economy shifts due to speculation, the farmers are no longer able to run a successful farm through traditional methods, leaving them resentful of the government.

–Bill Keane

Works Cited

Fitzgerald, Michael W. “’We Have Found a Moses’: Theodore Bilbo, Black Nationalism, and the Greater Liberia Bill of 1939.” The Journal of Southern History 2 (1997): 293-320. Carleton, William. Rev. of // The White Chief: James Kimble Vardaman // by William F. Holmes. // The Florida Historical Quarterly // Apr. 1971: pp. 411-413. Scarborough, William K. Rev. of // Rednecks, Redeemers, and Race: Mississippi After Reconstruction // by Stephen Cresswell. // Rural History // Oct. 2007: pp. 267-268. Vance, Rupert. Rev. of //Revolt of the Rednecks: Mississippi Politics:1876-1925// by Albert Kirwan. //The Journal of Southern History// Aug. 1951: pp. 412-414. Vardaman, James K. //Vardaman’s Weekly//. Available online: http://www.vardamansweekly.com/ Williams, Raymond. //Keywords//. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976.

Zinn, Howard. //A People’s History of the United States//. New York: HarperCollins, 2003.